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In Time of WarUnderstanding American Public Opinion from World War II to Iraq$

Adam J. Berinsky

Print publication date: 2009

Print ISBN-13: 9780226043586

Published to Chicago Scholarship Online: March 2013

DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226043463.001.0001

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(p.251) Appendix E Relationship Between Support for War and Support For Restricting Civil Liberties

(p.251) Appendix E Relationship Between Support for War and Support For Restricting Civil Liberties

Source:
In Time of War
Publisher:
University of Chicago Press

In chapter 7, I present the substantive relationship between support for war and support for restricting civil liberties. The full-model results used to estimate these effects are presented in the online appendix to this book (http://www.press.uchicago.edu/books/berinsky/). In this appendix, I present examples of these analyses for the interested reader.

In the analyses, all variables except political interest (in the January 2006 analysis) and support for the Vietnam War (for the Harris analysis) were entered as a series of dummy variables. A few other notes about the analysis are in order. First, as mentioned in the text, the analyses in figure 7.4 do not control for partisanship because Pew did not ask a party identification question in its September 2001 survey. Second, the measure of war support employed in the analysis in figure 7.5 shifted across the period covered here. Before the United States invaded Iraq, I used a prospective measure of support for the (possible) war: “Would you favor or oppose taking military action in Iraq to end Saddam Hussein's rule?” or “Would you favor or oppose taking military action in Iraq to end Saddam Husseins rule, even if it meant that U.S. forces might suffer thousands of casualties?”1 After the United States' invasion, I used a retrospective measure, “Do you think the U.S. made the right decision or the wrong decision in using military force against Iraq?” Finally, as was the case with the analysis in chapters 5 and chapter 6, I present tests of the statistical significance, although it is not technically possible to compute the standard errors needed to construct statistical tests for the World War II–era data.

I present below a subset of the analyses used to generate figures 7.3–7.6. (p.252)

Table E.1 Partisan polarization on civil liberties restrictions, 2006

What concerns you more about the government's anti-terrorism policies, that they have not gone far enough to adequately protect the country or that they have gone too far in restricting the average person's civil liberties?

Go too far vs. don't go far enough

Other response vs. don't go far enough

Coefficient

(SE)

Coefficient

(SE)

Constant

−0.13

(0.52)

0.92

(0.51)*

Region

    Midwest

0.00

(0.29)

–0.48

(0.31)

    South

–0.32

(0.28)

–0.35

(0.29)

    West

0.26

(0.30)

–0.14

(0.32)

Education

    Some high school

–0.38

(0.34)

–0.68

(0.34)**

    Some college

–0.13

(0.35)

–0.68

(0.36)*

    College graduate +

–0.22

(0.34)

–0.26

(0.34)

Size

    Suburban

–0.30

(0.25)

–0.24

(0.25)

    Urban

0.43

(0.27)

–0.10

(0.29)

Black

0.15

(0.31)

–0.35

(0.41)

Female

–0.12

(0.19)

0.30

(0.20)

Democrat

–0.19

(0.51)

–0.45

(0.53)

Republican

–0.51

(0.61)

–0.84

(0.54)

Political interest

0.48

(0.58)

–1.29

(0.62)**

Democrat × interest

0.65

(0.81)

0.22

(0.93)

Republican × interest

–1.83

(1.04)*

0.37

(0.93)

Source: Author analysis of Pew Research Center for the People and the Press (January 2006).

Note: N = 746; LL = −714.49.

(*) p 〈 .10

(**) p 〈 .05.

(p.253)

Table E.2 Support for war and support for civil liberties, 2002

What concerns you more right now? That the government will fail to enact strong, new anti-terrorism laws, or that the government will enact new anti-terrorism laws which excessively restrict the average person's civil liberties?

Fail to enact vs. enact

Other response vs. enact

Variable

Coefficient

(SE)

Coefficient

(SE)

Constant

–0.83

(0.35)*

–1.66

(0.50)**

Attack Iraq

0.68

(0.16)**

0.62

(0.25)**

Black

–1.06

(0.29)**

–1.63

(0.62)**

Female

0.22

(0.14)

0.60

(0.22)**

Democrat

–0.11

(0.17)

–0.07

(0.26)

Republican

0.26

(0.16)

0.02

(0.26)

Census region

    Midwest

0.24

(0.20)

0.72

(0.32)**

    South

0.10

(0.19)

0.18

(0.32)

    West

–0.04

(0.21)

0.19

(0.34)

Education

    High school graduate

–0.25

(0.29)

–0.79

0.36)**

    Some college

0.00

(0.29)

–0.92

(0.38)**

    College graduate +

0.02

(0.28)

–1.02

(0.36)**

Size

    Suburban

0.21

(0.21)

–0.26

(0.36)

    Urban

0.30

(0.18)*

0.31

(0.27)

Source: Author analysis of Pew Research Center for the People and the Press and Council on Foreign Relations (January 2002).

Note: N = 1,055; LL = −972.21.

(*) p 〈.10;

(**) p 〈.05.

(p.254)

Table E.3 Effect of support for the Vietnam War on civil liberties judgments

Do you think people have the right to conduct peaceful demonstrations against the war in Vietnam, or do you feel people don't have that right?

November 1965

Don't have right vs. have right

Not sure vs. have right

Coefficient

(SE)

Coefficient

(SE)

Constant

−0.31

(0.24)

–0.10

(0.36)

Vietnam support

0.73

(0.27)**

−1.89

(0.54)**

Black

–0.75

(0.23)**

0.07

(0.29)

Female

–0.02

(0.14)

–0.74

(0.24)**

Republican

0.26

(0.22)

0.35

(0.36)

Democrat

0.34

(0.20)*

–0.10

(0.34)

Education

    Some high school

–0.39

(0.21)

–0.87

(0.31)**

    High school graduate

–0.72

(0.18)**

–1.78

(0.30)**

    Some college +

–1.72

(0.21)**

–2.23

(0.36)**

May 1967

Don't have right vs. have right

Not sure vs. have right

Coefficient

(SE)

Coefficient

(SE)

Constant

–0.90

(0.21)**

–0.52

(0.27)*

Vietnam support

1.15

(0.25)**

−0.60

(0.39)

Black

–0.68

(0.22)**

0.84

(0.23)**

Female

−0.13

(0.13)

−0.20

(0.20)

Republican

0.09

(0.18)

–0.69

(0.29)**

Democrat

0.31

(0.16)**

–0.32

(0.23)

Education

    Some high school

−0.00

(0.19)

–0.79

(0.25)**

    High school graduate

−0.43

(0.17)**

−1.17

(0.24)**

    Some college +

−0.93

(0.19)**

−1.90

(0.32)**

Note: N = 1,123; LL = −921.84.

(*) p 〈 .10

(**) p 〈 .05.

Note: N = 1,418; LL = −1,172.74.

(*) p 〈 .10;

(**) p 〈 .05.

Sources: Author analysis of Harris Poll 1561 (November 1965) and Harris Poll 1735 (May 1967).

(p.255)

Table E.4 Effect of support for World War II on negative civil liberties judgments, November 1940

Do you believe in freedom of speech? [If yes,] Do you believe in it to the extent of allowing Fascists and Communists to hold meetings and express their views in this community?

Oppose vs. support

Variable

Coefficient

(SE)

Constant

–0.66

(0.16)**

War support

0.38

(0.11)**

Male

–0.12

(0.15)

Occupation

    Professional

–0.04

(0.19)

    Farm

0.24

(0.23)

    Labor

0.13

(0.20)

    Unemployed

0.06

(0.28)

Region

    Midwest

–0.19

(0.13)

    South

0.64

(0.19)**

    West

0.12

(0.17)

Class

    Upper class

0.20

(0.34)

    Middle class

–0.08

(0.12)

    On relief

0.14

(0.27)

Source: Author analysis of AIPO 224 (November 1940).

Note: The “war support” independent variable is a combination of two split-sample variables. One of the sample was asked, “Which of these two things do you think is the more important for the United States to try to do: to keep out of war ourselves, or to help England win, even at the risk of getting into the war?” The other half of the sample was asked, “Which of these two things do you think is the more important: that this country keep out of war, or that Germany be defeated.” The variable is scored 0 if the respondent thinks it is more important to keep out of war and 1 if the respondent thinks it is more important to help England or defeat Germany. I performed the analysis separately for each form and, because the results were essentially the same, combined the two forms for the purposes of analysis. N = 1,439; LL = −943.39.

* p 〈 .10;

(**) p 〈 .05.

Notes:

(1.) Pew asked these different questions in a split-sample format. Although support for action was slightly lower when the possibility of casualties were mentioned, the effect of support for action on support for restricting civil liberties was nearly identical across the forms.